Battle of Cephisus River, c.352 BC

Battle of Cephisus River, c.352 BC

The battle of the Cephisus River (c.352) was the second in a series of defeats suffered by the Phocian leader Phayllus during a failed invasion of Boeotia (Third Sacred War).

Phayllus became the Phocian leader after his brother Onomarchus was killed at the battle of the Crocus Field in Thessaly (353 BC). Almost half of the Phocian army was destroyed in that battle, but Phayllus was soon able to recruit fresh troops. He was also helped by the arrival of 2,000 men under the defeated tyrants of Pherae and troops sent by his allies (1,000 from Sparta, 2,000 from Achaea and 5,000 infantry and 400 cavalry from Athens).

Phayllus used his new army to carry out an unsuccessful invasion of Boeotia. His first target was the city of Orchomenus, but he suffered a defeat in battle near the city.

Next came a costly defeat on the Cephisus River. Diodorus provides no details of the battle itself, but records the Phocian losses as 500 dead and 400 prisoners.

The Cephisus River rises on the northern slopes of Mount Parnassus, then flows east into Lake Copais, and from there across Boeotia, before turning north to reach the sea. Diodorus doesn't say which part of the river the battle was fought at, but he does report a third battle a few days later at Coroneia. This might suggest that the Phocians moved east along the northern shores of Lake Copais after the defeat at Orchomenus, suffered their second defeat on the stretch of the river between the lake and the sea, and then attempted to return home along the southern side of the lake, where they suffered their third defeat.

Constantine the Great

Constantine I (Latin: Flavius Valerius Constantinus Greek: Κωνσταντῖνος , translit. Kōnstantînos 27 February c. 272 – 22 May 337), also known as Constantine the Great, was Roman emperor from 306 to 337. Born in Naissus, Dacia Mediterranea (now Niš, Serbia), he was the son of Flavius Constantius, a Roman army officer born in Dardania, who became one of the four emperors of the Tetrarchy. His mother, Helena, was Greek and of low birth. Constantine served with distinction under emperors Diocletian and Galerius, campaigning in the eastern provinces against barbarians and the Persians, before being recalled west in 305 to fight under his father in Britain. After his father's death in 306, Constantine was acclaimed as emperor by the army at Eboracum (York). He emerged victorious in the civil wars against emperors Maxentius and Licinius to become sole ruler of the Roman Empire by 324.

As emperor, Constantine enacted administrative, financial, social and military reforms to strengthen the empire. He restructured the government, separating civil and military authorities. To combat inflation he introduced the solidus, a new gold coin that became the standard for Byzantine and European currencies for more than a thousand years. The Roman army was reorganised to consist of mobile units (comitatenses), and garrison troops (limitanei) capable of countering internal threats and barbarian invasions. Constantine pursued successful campaigns against the tribes on the Roman frontiers—the Franks, the Alamanni, the Goths and the Sarmatians—even resettling territories abandoned by his predecessors during the Crisis of the Third Century.

Constantine was the first Roman emperor to convert to Christianity. [notes 2] Although he lived much of his life as a pagan, and later as a catechumen, he began to favor Christianity beginning in 312, finally becoming a Christian and being baptised by either Eusebius of Nicomedia, an Arian bishop, or Pope Sylvester I, which is maintained by the Catholic Church and the Coptic Orthodox Church. He played an influential role in the proclamation of the Edict of Milan in 313, which declared tolerance for Christianity in the Roman Empire. He convoked the First Council of Nicaea in 325, which produced the statement of Christian belief known as the Nicene Creed. [8] The Church of the Holy Sepulchre was built on his orders at the purported site of Jesus' tomb in Jerusalem and became the holiest place in Christendom. The papal claim to temporal power in the High Middle Ages was based on the fabricated Donation of Constantine. He has historically been referred to as the "First Christian Emperor" and he did favour the Christian Church. While some modern scholars debate his beliefs and even his comprehension of Christianity, [notes 3] he is venerated as a saint in Eastern Christianity.

The age of Constantine marked a distinct epoch in the history of the Roman Empire. [11] He built a new imperial residence at Byzantium and renamed the city Constantinople (now Istanbul) after himself (the laudatory epithet of "New Rome" emerged in his time, and was never an official title). It subsequently became the capital of the Empire for more than a thousand years, the later Eastern Roman Empire being referred to as the Byzantine Empire by modern historians. His more immediate political legacy was that he replaced Diocletian's Tetrarchy with the de facto principle of dynastic succession, by leaving the empire to his sons and other members of the Constantinian dynasty. His reputation flourished during the lifetime of his children and for centuries after his reign. The medieval church held him up as a paragon of virtue, while secular rulers invoked him as a prototype, a point of reference and the symbol of imperial legitimacy and identity. [12] Beginning with the Renaissance, there were more critical appraisals of his reign, due to the rediscovery of anti-Constantinian sources. Trends in modern and recent scholarship have attempted to balance the extremes of previous scholarship.

The Battle of Thermopylae

The invasion of Greece by Xerxes is the subject of the great history written in nine books by Herodotus. His object is to show the preëminence of Greece, whose fleets and armies defeated the forces of the Persians after these latter had triumphed over the most powerful nations of the earth. Xerxes collected a vast army from all parts of the empire. The Phoenicians furnished him with an enormous fleet, and he made a bridge of a double line of boats across the Hellespont and cut a canal through the peninsula of Mount Athos. He reached Sardis in the autumn of B.C. 481, and the next year his army crossed the bridge of boats, taking seven days and seven nights for the transit. The number of his fighting men was over two millions and a half. His ships of war were twelve hundred and seven in number, and he had three thousand smaller vessels for carrying his land forces and supplies. At the narrow pass of Thermopylæ, in the northeast of Greece, this immense army was checked for a while by the heroic Leonidas and his three hundred Spartans, who, however, perished in their attempt to prevent the Persian’s attack on Athens, which city was almost entirely destroyed by the invaders. The sea-fight of Salamis was won by the Greeks against enormous odds and in the battle of Platæa, B.C. 479, the defeat of the Persians by the Greek land forces was made more complete by the death of Mardonius, the most renowned general of Xerxes.

This selection is by Herodotus. This is a special series by Herodotus. Click here for the first books by Herodotus.

Time: 480 BC
Place: Thermoplae

The Greeks, when they arrived at the Isthmus, consulted on the message they had received from Alexander, in what way and in what places they should prosecute the war. The opinion which prevailed was that they should defend the pass at Thermopylæ for it appeared to be narrower than that into Thessaly, and at the same time nearer to their own territories for the path by which the Greeks who were taken at Thermopylæ were afterward surprised, they knew nothing of, till, on their arrival at Thermopylæ, they were informed of it by the Trachinians. They accordingly resolved to guard this pass, and not suffer the barbarian to enter Greece and that the naval force should sail to Artemisium, in the territory of Histiæotis, for these places are near one another, so that they could hear what happened to each other. These spots are thus situated.

In the first place, Artemisium is contracted from a wide space of the Thracian sea into a narrow frith, which lies between the island of Sciathus and the continent of Magnesia. From the narrow frith begins the coast of Euboea, called Artemisium, and in it is a temple of Diana. But the entrance into Greece through Trachis, in the narrowest part, is no more than a half _plethrum_ in width: however, the narrowest part of the country is not in this spot, but before and behind Thermopylæ for near Alpeni, which is behind, there is only a single carriage-road, and before, by the river Phoenix, near the city of Anthela, is another single carriage-road. On the western side of Thermopylæ is an inaccessible and precipitous mountain, stretching to Mount Oeta, and on the eastern side of the way is the sea and a morass. In this passage there are hot baths, which the inhabitants call “Chytri,” and above these is an altar to Hercules. A wall had been built in this pass, and formerly there were gates in it. The Phocians built it through fear, when the Thessalians came from Thesprotia to settle in the Aeolian territory which they now possess: apprehending that the Thessalians would attempt to subdue them, the Phocians took this precaution at the same time, they diverted the hot water into the entrance, that the place might be broken into clefts, having recourse to every contrivance to prevent the Thessalians from making inroads into their country. Now this old wall had been built a long time, and the greater part of it had already fallen through age but they determined to rebuild it, and in that place to repel the barbarian from Greece. Very near this road there is a village called Alpeni from this the Greeks expected to obtain provisions.

Accordingly, these situations appeared suitable for the Greeks for they, having weighed everything beforehand, and considered that the barbarians would neither be able to use their numbers nor their cavalry, there resolved to await the invader of Greece. As soon as they were informed that the Persian was in Pieria, breaking up from the Isthmus some of them proceeded by land to Thermopylae, and others by sea to Artemisium.

The Greeks, therefore, being appointed in two divisions, hastened to meet the enemy but, at the same time, the Delphians, alarmed for themselves and for Greece, consulted the oracle, and the answer given them was, “that they should pray to the winds, for that they would be powerful allies to Greece.”

The Delphians, having received the oracle, first of all communicated the answer to those Greeks who were zealous to be free and as they very much dreaded the barbarians, by giving that message they acquired a claim to everlasting gratitude. After that, the Delphians erected an altar to the winds at Thyia, where there is an inclosure consecrated to Thyia, daughter of Cephisus, from whom this district derives its name, and conciliated them with sacrifices and the Delphians, in obedience to that oracle, to this day propitiate the winds.

The naval force of Xerxes, setting out from the city of Therma, advanced with ten of the fastest sailing ships straight to Scyathus, where were three Grecian ships keeping a look-out: a Troezenian, an Æginetan, and an Athenian, These, seeing the ships of the barbarians at a distance, betook themselves to flight.

The Troezenian ship, which Praxinus commanded, the barbarians pursued and soon captured and then, having led the handsomest of the marines to the prow of the ship, they slew him, deeming it a good omen that the first Greek they had taken was also very handsome. The name of the man that was slain was Leon, and perhaps he in some measure reaped the fruits of his name.

The Æginetan ship, which Asonides commanded, gave them some trouble Pytheas, son of Ischenous, being a marine on board, a man who on this day displayed the most consummate valor who, when the ship was taken, continued fighting until he was entirely cut to pieces. But when, having fallen (he was not dead, but still breathed), the Persians who served on board the ships were very anxious to save him alive, on account of his valor, healing his wounds with myrrh, and binding them with bandages of flaxen cloth and when they returned to their own camp, they showed him with admiration to the whole army, and treated him well but the others, whom they took in this ship, they treated as slaves.

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Composting in Ancient Egypt, Greece and Rome

The practise of fertilisation continued through multiple civilisations.

The Romans, Greek and Egyptians fertilised fields in several ways.

They would spread manure directly on the fields, collect and compost waste on dung hills and use manure and urine soaked straw.

Cleopatra certainly seems to have taken an interest in the fertility of the land if not in compost.

As we noted in our Fascinating Compost Facts article, the Egyptian Queen put in laws to protect earthworms and banned the export of worms under pain of death.

The Greek warrior, philosopher and writer Xenophon also discussed the use of manure in his Oeconomicus. He advised farmers to gather weeds and allow them to rot in water to create a manure to “gladden the fields”.

He also expanded on the benefits of green manure, suggesting farmers grow a crop to plough into the field and enrich the soil.

Cato the Elder, a Roman Senator, historian and solider had plenty to say about manure in his De Agricultura. One of his many passages on fertility advised farmers to:

See that you have a large dunghill save the manure carefully, and when you carry it out, clean it of foreign matter and break it up. Autumn is the time to haul it out. During the autumn also dig trenches around the olive trees and manure them.

On a grimmer note, the ancients were also becoming aware of how blood, flesh and bone left from wars benefitted plants.

They say that the soil, after the bodies had rotted and the winter rains had fallen, was so fertilised and saturated with the putrefied matter which sank into it, that it produced an unusual crop the next season.


Linguistics Professor R. S. P. Beekes has suggested a pre-Greek origin and a connection with the root of the word sophos (σοφός, "wise"). [3] German mythographer Otto Gruppe thought that the name derived from sisys (σίσυς, "a goat's skin"), in reference to a rain-charm in which goats' skins were used. [4]

Sisyphus was the son of King Aeolus of Thessaly and Enarete [5] and the brother of Salmoneus. He married the Pleiad Merope by whom he became the father of Glaucus, Ornytion, Thersander, Almus, Sinon and Porphyrion. [6] Sisyphus was the grandfather of Bellerophon through Glaucus, [7] [8] and Minyas, founder of Orchomenus, through Almus. [6]

Reign Edit

Sisyphus was the founder and first king of Ephyra (supposedly the original name of Corinth). [7] King Sisyphus promoted navigation and commerce but was avaricious and deceitful. He killed guests and travelers in his palace, a violation of xenia, which fell under Zeus' domain, thus angering the god. He took pleasure in these killings because they allowed him to maintain his iron-fisted rule.

Conflict with Salmoneus Edit

Sisyphus and his brother Salmoneus were known to hate each other, and Sisyphus consulted the oracle of Delphi on just how to kill Salmoneus without incurring any severe consequences for himself. From Homer onward, Sisyphus was famed as the craftiest of men. He seduced Salmoneus' daughter Tyro in one of his plots to kill Salmoneus, only for Tyro to slay the children she bore him when she discovered that Sisyphus was planning on using them eventually to dethrone her father.

Cheating death Edit

Sisyphus betrayed one of Zeus' secrets by revealing the whereabouts of the Asopid Aegina to her father, the river god Asopus, in return for causing a spring to flow on the Corinthian acropolis. [7]

Zeus then ordered Thanatos to chain Sisyphus in Tartarus. Sisyphus was curious as to why Charon, whose job it was to guide souls to the underworld, had not appeared on this occasion. Sisyphus slyly asked Thanatos to demonstrate how the chains worked. As Thanatos was granting him his wish, Sisyphus seized the opportunity and trapped Thanatos in the chains instead. Once Thanatos was bound by the strong chains, no one died on Earth. This caused an uproar and Ares, annoyed that his battles had lost their fun because his opponents would not die, intervened. The exasperated Ares freed Thanatos and turned Sisyphus over to him. [9]

In some versions, Hades was sent to chain Sisyphus and was chained himself. As long as Hades was tied up, nobody could die. Because of this, sacrifices could not be made to the gods, and those that were old and sick were suffering. The gods finally threatened to make life so miserable for Sisyphus that he would wish he were dead. He then had no choice but to release Hades. [10]

Before Sisyphus died, he had told his wife to throw his naked body into the middle of the public square (purportedly as a test of his wife's love for him). This caused Sisyphus to end up on the shores of the river Styx. Then, complaining to Persephone, goddess of the underworld, that this was a sign of his wife's disrespect for him, Sisyphus persuaded her to allow him to return to the upper world. Once back in Ephyra, the spirit of Sisyphus scolded his wife for not burying his body and giving it a proper funeral as a loving wife should. When Sisyphus refused to return to the underworld, he was forcibly dragged back there by Hermes. [11] [12] In another version of the myth, Persephone was tricked by Sisyphus that he had been conducted to Tartarus by mistake, and so she ordered that he be released. [13]

In Philoctetes by Sophocles, there is a reference to the father of Odysseus (rumoured to have been Sisyphus, and not Laërtes, whom we know as the father in the Odyssey) upon having returned from the dead. Euripides, in Cyclops, also identifies Sisyphus as Odysseus' father.

Punishment in the underworld Edit

As a punishment for his trickery, Hades made Sisyphus roll a huge boulder endlessly up a steep hill. [7] [14] [15] The maddening nature of the punishment was reserved for Sisyphus due to his hubristic belief that his cleverness surpassed that of Zeus himself. Hades accordingly displayed his own cleverness by enchanting the boulder into rolling away from Sisyphus before he reached the top, which ended up consigning Sisyphus to an eternity of useless efforts and unending frustration. Thus it came to pass that pointless or interminable activities are sometimes described as Sisyphean. Sisyphus was a common subject for ancient writers and was depicted by the painter Polygnotus on the walls of the Lesche at Delphi. [16]

According to the solar theory, King Sisyphus is the disk of the sun that rises every day in the east and then sinks into the west. [17] Other scholars regard him as a personification of waves rising and falling, or of the treacherous sea. [17] The 1st-century BC Epicurean philosopher Lucretius interprets the myth of Sisyphus as personifying politicians aspiring for political office who are constantly defeated, with the quest for power, in itself an "empty thing", being likened to rolling the boulder up the hill. [18] Friedrich Welcker suggested that he symbolises the vain struggle of man in the pursuit of knowledge, and Salomon Reinach [19] that his punishment is based on a picture in which Sisyphus was represented rolling a huge stone Acrocorinthus, symbolic of the labour and skill involved in the building of the Sisypheum. Albert Camus, in his 1942 essay The Myth of Sisyphus, saw Sisyphus as personifying the absurdity of human life, but Camus concludes "one must imagine Sisyphus happy" as "The struggle itself towards the heights is enough to fill a man's heart." More recently, J. Nigro Sansonese, [20] building on the work of Georges Dumézil, speculates that the origin of the name "Sisyphus" is onomatopoetic of the continual back-and-forth, susurrant sound ("siss phuss") made by the breath in the nasal passages, situating the mythology of Sisyphus in a far larger context of archaic (see Proto-Indo-European religion) trance-inducing techniques related to breath control. The repetitive inhalation–exhalation cycle is described esoterically in the myth as an up–down motion of Sisyphus and his boulder on a hill.

In experiments that test how workers respond when the meaning of their task is diminished, the test condition is referred to as the Sisyphusian condition. The two main conclusions of the experiment are that people work harder when their work seems more meaningful, and that people underestimate the relationship between meaning and motivation. [21]

In his book The Philosophy of Recursive Thinking, [22] German author Manfred Kopfer suggested a viable solution for Sisyphus' punishment. Every time Sisyphus reaches the top of the mountain, he breaks off a stone from the mountain and carries it down to the lowest point. This way, the mountain will eventually be levelled and the stone cannot roll down anymore. In Kopfers' interpretation, the solution turns the punishment by the gods into a test for Sisyphus to prove his worthiness for godlike deeds. If Sisyphus is able "to move a mountain", he shall be allowed to do what, otherwise, only gods are entitled to do.

Literary interpretations Edit

Homer describes Sisyphus in both Book VI of the Iliad and Book XI of the Odyssey. [8] [15]

Ovid, the Roman poet, makes reference to Sisyphus in the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. When Orpheus descends and confronts Hades and Persephone, he sings a song so that they will grant his wish to bring Eurydice back from the dead. After this song is sung, Ovid shows how moving it was by noting that Sisyphus, emotionally affected, for just a moment, stops his eternal task and sits on his rock, the Latin wording being inque tuo sedisti, Sisyphe, saxo ("and you sat, Sisyphus, on your rock"). [23]

In Plato's Apology, Socrates looks forward to the after-life where he can meet figures such as Sisyphus, who think themselves wise, so that he can question them and find who is wise and who "thinks he is when he is not" [24]

Albert Camus, the French absurdist, wrote an essay entitled The Myth of Sisyphus, in which he elevates Sisyphus to the status of absurd hero. Franz Kafka repeatedly referred to Sisyphus as a bachelor Kafkaesque for him were those qualities that brought out the Sisyphus-like qualities in himself. According to Frederick Karl: "The man who struggled to reach the heights only to be thrown down to the depths embodied all of Kafka's aspirations and he remained himself, alone, solitary." [25] The philosopher Richard Taylor uses the myth of Sisyphus as a representation of a life made meaningless because it consists of bare repetition. [26]

Wolfgang Mieder has collected cartoons that build on the image of Sisyphus, many of them editorial cartoons. [27]

Battle of Cephisus River, c.352 BC - History

History of Athens
Birthplace of democracy

Athens was built in the plains of Attika between the Parnitha, Penteli and Hymettos mountains and close to the Saronic Gulf. For ages its important geographic location and its mild climate were de main reasons why people chose to live here. During her very long history, Athens produced a brilliant civilization as well as a contribution of inestimable value to the world's heritage.

Today Athens, with its five million inhabitants, has all characteristics of a modern metropolis but it has kept its very unique ancient atmosphere, an atmosphere that reflects in the Athenians and their way of living. Athens follows the changes of the 21e century and it has made its rhythm faster but it has always made certain that the memories of its valuable past are kept.

First time visitors to Athens are torn between the remnants of the old and those of the new world, between the gods and the shops of Plaka, between the ancient art and the green covered terraces. Returning visitors enjoy all of both worlds, as do the Athenians themselves. Athens has a lot to offer and even more to enjoy.

The birthplace of the concept of democracy

It is hard to imagine that the concept of democracy was born 2.500 years ago at the foot of the Acropolis in Athens. This first kind of democracy has evolved into present democracy as we know it now. It is even harder to imagine that the Ancient agora at that time had a parliament, a town hall, a courthouse, a prison, temples, restaurants, meeting rooms, schools, places to do business, laws, festivals, sport events etc.

Take your time to visit the Ancient agora, to walk on the Panathenaic road lined with statues. Visit the completely renovated Stoa of Attallos and its museum. It holds a remarkable collection you will want to see. Find the altar of Zeus Phratrios and the statue of Hadrian and while you are doing so, remember that you are standing in the birthplace of the concept of democracy.

At the foot of the Acropolis. Entrance: Adrianou street.

Walking with history

Say "Athens" and people will say "The Acropolis".

Yes, of course, you should not leave Athens without having visited the Acropolis with its splendid Parthenon, Erechteion, Temple of Athena etc. However, Athens has much more to offer. The Ancient and the Roman Agora, Plaka, the romantic Anafiotika area, the Panathenaic Stadium, Lykavittos and Philopappou Hill, the tens of museums, Psirri, Syntagma, Monastiraki etc. There is a lot to see in Athens and it is worth while seeing it.

With every corner you turn, Athens will surprise you with its history and its special atmosphere. Athens is a smile for you to enjoy.

The history of Athens is the longest of any city in Europe: Athens has been continuously inhabited for at least 3.000 years. It became the leading city of Ancient Greece in the first millennium BC. Its cultural achievements during the 5th century BC laid the foundations of western civilization. During the Middle Ages, Athens experienced decline and then a recovery under the Byzantine Empire. Athens was relatively prosperous during the Crusades, benefiting from Italian trade. After a long period of decline under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, Athens re-emerged in the 19th century as the capital of the independent Greek state.

The name of Athens in Ancient Greek was Athenai (pronounced roughly At-he-na). This is a plural form: the city was called (in what would translate into English as) "The Athenses" since it was originally a group of villages which coalesced into a city. The name has no definite etymology in Greek. The Greeks believed the city was named for its protectress, the goddess Athena, but it is equally possible that the goddess took her name from the city.

The start of the history of Athens is lost in time and legends. It is assumed it began its history as a Neolithic hill-fort on top of the Acropolis ("high city"), some time in the third millennium BC. The Acropolis is a natural defensive position which commands the surrounding plains. The settlement was about 8 kilometres inland from the Saronic Gulf, in the centre of the Cephisian Plain, a fertile plain surrounded by hills.

Athens is protected by a ring of mountains: Hymittos, Aegaleo, Penteli and Parnitha. In ancient times, the River Cephisus flowed through the city. Ancient Athens occupied a very small area compared to the sprawling metropolis of modern Athens. The walled ancient city encompassed an area measuring about 2 kilometres from east to west and slightly less than that from north to south, although at its peak the city had suburbs extending well beyond these walls.

The Acropolis was just south of the centre of this walled area. The Agora, the commercial and social centre of the city, was about 400 meters north of the Acropolis, in what is now the Monastiraki district. The hill of the Pnyx, where the Athenian Assembly met, lay at the western end of the city.

One of the most important religious sites in Athens was the Temple of Athena, known as the Parthenon, which stood atop the Acropolis. Two other major religious sites, the Temple of Hephaestus (which is still largely intact) and the Temple of Olympian Zeus or Olympeion (once the largest temple in Greece but now in ruins) also lay within the city walls.

However, the most important religious site was the Erechteion, named after a legendary Athenian king. It was considered the most important, religious-wise, as it housed many sacred shrines. Next to it is the legendary olive tree which Athene planted herself to win the devotation of the Athenian people.

At its peak in the 5th and 4th centuries BC, Athens and its suburbs probably had approximately 300.000 inhabitants. Of these a large number were slaves or foreign residents (known as metoikoi or metrics), who had no political rights and paid for the right to reside in Athens. Perhaps only 10 or 20% of the population were adult male citizens, eligible to meet and vote in the Assembly and be elected to office. After the conquests of Alexander the Great in the 4th century BC the city began to lose its population as Greeks migrated to the newly-conquered Hellenistic empire in the east.

Read more on the long and interesting history of Athens through the ages using the left links on this page.

Book 2

river Cephisus, and who held Lilaea by the springs of Cephisus. With these followed forty black ships. And their leaders were busily stationing the ranks of the Phocians, and were making them ready for battle close to the Boeotians on the left.

And of the Locrians the swift son of Oïleus was leader, Aias the lesser, in no way as great as Telamonian Aias, but lesser by far. Short he was, with corselet of linen, but with the spear he surpassed Panhellenes and Achaeans. These were they who dwelt in Cynus and Opoeis and Calliarus and Bessa and Scarphe and lovely Augeiae and Tarphe and Thronium around the streams of Boagrius. With Aias followed forty black ships of the Locrians who live across from holy Euboea.

And the Abantes, breathing fury, who held Euboea and Chalcis and Eretria and Histiaea, rich in vines, and Cerinthus by the sea, and the steep citadel of Dion and they who held Carystus and dwelt in Styra—of these in turn Elephenor was the leader, offshoot of Ares, son of Chalcodon and leader of the great-hearted Abantes. And with him followed the swift Abantes, with hair long at the back, spearmen eager with outstretched ashen spears to tear the corselets about the chests of the foe. And with him there followed forty black ships.

And they who held Athens, the well-built citadel, the land of great-hearted Erechtheus, whom Athene, daughter of Zeus, once nurtured, but the earth, the giver of grain, bore him and she settled him in Athens, in her own

Thessalonike of Macedon

Thessalonike (Greek: Θεσσαλονίκη 352 or 345-295 BC) was a Macedonian princess, the daughter of king Philip II of Macedon by his Thessalian wife or concubine, Nicesipolis, from Pherae. History links her to three of the most powerful men in Macedon�ughter of King Philip II, half sister of Alexander the Great and wife of Cassander.

Thessalonike was born around 352 or 345 BC. To commemorate the birth of his daughter, which fell on the same day as the armies of Macedon and Thessalian league won the significant battle of Crocus Field in Thessaly over the Phocians, King Philip is said to have proclaimed, "Let her be called victory in Thessaly". In the Greek language her name is made up of two words Thessaly and nike, that translates into 'Thessalian Victory'. Her mother did not live long after her birth and upon her death Thessalonike appears to have been brought up by her stepmother Olympias. In memory of her close friend, Nicesipolis, the queen took Thessalonike to be raised as her own daughter. Thessalonike was, by far, the youngest child in the care of Olympias. Her interaction with her older brother Alexander would have been minimal, as he was under the tutelage of Aristotle in "The Gardens Of Midas" when she was born, and at the age of six or seven when he left on his Persian expedition. She was only twenty-one when Alexander, king of the then most known world, died.

Thus favored, she spent her childhood in the queen’s quarters, to whose fortunes she attached herself when the latter returned to Macedon in 317 BC, and with whom she took refuge, along with the rest of the royal family, in the fortress of Pydna, on the advance of Cassander in 315 BC. The fall of Pydna and the execution of her stepmother threw her into the power of Cassander, who embraced the opportunity to connect himself with the Argead dynasty by marrying her and he appears to have studiously treated her with the respect due to her illustrious birth. This may have been as much owing to policy as to affection: but the marriage appears to have been a prosperous one Thessalonike became queen of Macedon and the mother of three sons, Philip, Antipater, and Alexander and her husband paid her the honour of conferring her name upon the city of Thessaloniki, which he founded on the site of the ancient Therma, and which soon became, as it continues down to the present day, one of the most wealthy and populous cities of Macedonia. After the death of Cassander, Thessalonike appears to have at first retained much influence over her sons. Her son Philip succeeded his father, but while Antipater was the next in line for the throne, Thessalonike demanded that it be shared between Philip and Alexander. Antipater, becoming jealous of the superior favour which his mother showed to his younger brother Alexander, put his mother to death, in 295 BC.

The legend of Thessalonike

There exists a popular Greek legend which talks about a mermaid who lived in the Aegean for hundreds of years who was thought to be Thessalonike. The legend states that Alexander, in his quest for the Fountain of Immortality, retrieved with great exertion a flask of immortal water with which he bathed his sister's hair. When Alexander died his grief-stricken sister attempted to end her life by jumping into the sea. Instead of drowning, however, she became a mermaid passing judgment on mariners throughout the centuries and across the seven seas. To the sailors who encountered her she would always pose the same question: "Is Alexander the king alive?" (Greek: Ζει ο βασιλιάς Αλέξανδρος), to which the correct answer would be "He lives and reigns and conquers the world" (Greek: Ζει και βασιλεύει, και τον κόσμο κυριεύει!). Given this answer she would allow the ship and her crew to sail safely away in calm seas. Any other answer would transform her into the raging Gorgon, bent on sending the ship and every sailor on board to the bottom.


Sources and Chronology:
The ancient sources for the Third Sacred War are scant, and generally lacking in firm chronological information.The main source for the period is Diodorus Siculus's Bibliotheca historica, written in the 1st century , which is therefore very much a secondary source. Diodorus is often derided by modern historians for his style and inaccuracies, but he preserves many details of the ancient period found nowhere else. Diodorus worked primarily by epitomizing the works of other historians, omitting many details where they did not suit his purpose, which was to illustrate moral lessons from history his account of the Third Sacred War therefore contains many gaps. Beyond Diodorus, further details of the Sacred War can be found in the orations of Athenian statesmen, primarily Demosthenes and Aeschines, which have survived intact. Since these speeches were never intended to be historical material, they must be treated with circumspection Demosthenes and Aeschines have been described as "a couple of liars, neither of whom can be trusted to have told the truth in any matter in which it was remotely in his interest to lie". Nevertheless, their allusions in speeches to contemporary or past events indicate some of the gaps in Diodorus's account, and help with the arrangement of a chronology. The accounts of Diodorus, Demosthenes and Aeschines can be further supplemented by fragments of otherwise lost histories (such as that by Theopompus) and by contemporary epigraphic sources.
Modern historians' dates for the war have been hotly debated, with no clear consensus. It is generally accepted that the war lasted 10 years, and ended in summer 346 (one of the few firm dates), which yields a date of 356 for the beginning of the war, with Philomelos's seizure of Delphi. Diodorus's chronology for the sacred war is very confused—he dates the start and end of the war a year too late, variously says the war lasted 9, 10 or 11 years, and included the siege of Methone twice under different dates—and his dates cannot therefore be relied upon. After Philomelos's defeat at Neon, the Thebans thought it safe to send the general Pammenes to Asia with 5000 hoplites Pammenes probably met with Philip at Maroneia in 355 , presumably on his outward journey.[9] Buckler, the only historian to produce a systematic study of the sacred war, therefore places Neon in 355 , and suggests after the meeting with Pammenes, Philip went to begin the siege of Methone. Other historians have placed Neon in 354 , because Diodorus says that the battle took place while Philip besieged Methone which Diodorus (at one point) places in 354. Disregarding the dates, most historians agree upon the same sequence of events for the first phases of the Sacred War. The principal question is therefore when that sequence started. Thus, Buckler (as well as Beloch and Cloche) dates Neon to 355 , Methone to 355𤭒 , Philip's first Thessalian campaign to 354, and his second to 353. Conversely, Cawkwell, Sealey, Hammond and others lower all these dates by one year, beginning with Neon in 354.

Main articles: Delphi and Amphictyonic League

The war was ostensibly caused by the refusal of the Phocian Confederation to pay a fine imposed on them in 357 by the Amphictyonic League, a pan-Hellenic religious organisation which governed the most sacred site in Ancient Greece, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. The fine was occasioned by the Phocians's illegal cultivation of sacred land on the Kirrhaean plain, which they did not deny the fine was, however, far beyond the Phocians' ability to pay. Under normal circumstances, refusal to pay the fine would have made the Phocians religious (and therefore political) outcasts in Greece, and liable to have a sacred war declared against them. Behind the religious element, there probably lay a display of realpolitik in bringing charges against the Phocians, instigated by the Thebans. The Phocians had declined to send troops on the Mantinea campaign of 362, despite Theban requests, and this appears to have caused lasting enmity in Thebes.] By 357 , with the Athenians embroiled in the Social War, and Alexander of Pherae (an erstwhile ally of the Phocians) dead, the Thebans deemed that the chance to punish Phocis had come. The Amphictyonic League was composed of 12 Greek tribes, primarily of central Greece (the Oetaeans, Boeotians, Dolopes, Phthian Achaeans, Locrians, Magnesians, Malians, Perrhaebians, Phocians, Pythians of Delphi and Thessalians), plus the Dorians (including Sparta) and the Ionians (including Athens), with each tribe having two votes in the council of the league. Thebes had effectively become the 'protector' of the league in 360, after the civil war had restarted in Thessaly the Thessalians having previously been the dominant power in the league. Thus, at this time, Thebes controlled a majority of the votes in the council, and at the autumn meeting in 357, the Thebans were able to have both the Phocians (for the cultivation of the sacred land) and the Spartans (for occupying Thebes some 25 years previously) denounced and fined. Since the fines for both parties were "unjustifiably harsh", the Thebans probably expected neither party to pay, and thus to be able to declare a sacred war on either. There seems to have been some sympathy in Greece for the Phocians, since other states could see that "the Thebans. had used the Amphictyony to pursue petty and destructive vendettas". The Phocians held a special conference to decide what action to take. Philomelos, a citizen of Ledon, advocated a pre-emptive policy of seizing Delphi (which was situated within the boundaries of Phocis), and asserting the ancient claim of Phocis to the presidency of the Amphictyonic League. In this way, the Phocians could annul the judgment against themselves. The Phocians voted in favour of his proposal, and Philomelos was appointed strategos autokrator (general with independent powers) by the confederacy, with his chief supporter Onomarchos also elected as strategos. Philomelos travelled to Sparta to discuss his proposals with the Spartan king Archidamos III. Archidamos expressed his support, hoping that the Spartan fine would also be annulled, and gave Philomelos 15 talents to raise troops with.

On his return to Phocis, Philomelos began assembling a mercenary army using the 15 talents from Archidamos, and also raised a force of 1000 peltasts from amongst the Phocian citizenry. In 356, Philomelos marched on Delphi, just before the end of the period in which the Phocians had been required to pay their fine. He easily captured the city of Delphi, along with the sanctuary of Apollo. Philomelos captured the nobles of the Thrakidai family, who had probably been involved in imposing the fine on Phocis, and killed them, seizing their wealth to add to his treasury. He promised the other Delphians that he would not harm them, although he had initially contemplated enslaving the whole city.

Ozolian Locrian expedition to Delphi:
The news of Philomelos's move against Delphi resulted in a relief expedition being mounted by the Ozalian Locrians, probably mainly from Amphissa. Philomelos's army met the Locrians in open battle on a small plain between the city of Delphi and the sanctuary, and routed them with heavy losses. Some prisoners were taken, and Philomelos had them thrown from the cliffs that tower over the sanctuary (the Phaidriadai rocks). This was the traditional punishment for sacrilege against Apollo's temple, and through the means of this atrocity, Philomelos was asserting the Phocian claim to the presidency of the sanctuary. Buckler observes that "in his first acts, Philomelos set a brutal stamp on the war".

Fortification of Delphi:
After defeating the Locrians, Philomelos continued to strengthen his position in Delphi. He destroyed the stones which recorded the verdict against the Phocians, and abolished the government of the city, installing in its place a group of pro-Phocian Delphians, who had been in exile in Athens. Philomelos ordered the sanctuary be fortified on the western side (natural features defended the other approaches), and a large limestone wall was constructed. He then demanded that the priestess of Apollo (the Pythia) provide him with an oracle she replied that he "could do whatever he wanted". Philomelos called that an oracle, and had it inscribed in the sanctuary, as was customary. This pseudo-oracle provided Philomelos with supposed divine justification from Apollo for his actions. He next sent embassies to all Greek states, asserting the Phocian claim to Delphi, and promising not to touch the treasury of Apollo. The Spartans, as expected, endorsed Philomelos's actions, since their fine was now erased. The Athenians also expressed support, following their general anti-Theban policies.

Declaration of Sacred War:
However, Philomelos's embassies elsewhere met with failure. The Locrians demanded that the Amphictyons avenge them and Apollo, and the Thebans sent embassies to the other council members suggesting that a sacred war should be declared against Phocis. This was assented to by most Greek states, including the Amphictyonic council members (minus Sparta and Athens), and those well-disposed to Thebes furthermore, otherwise uninvolved states declared support for the Amphictyonic for reasons of piety.The Amphictyons seem to have decided that the year was too advanced to begin campaigning, and so agreed to launch military action the following year. They may have hoped that in the meantime, the Phocians‘ sacrilegious behaviour would cause them to reconsider their position.

Following the declaration of war against Phocis, Philomelos decided he would need to substantially increase the size of his army. Rather than levy the Phocian citizen body, Philomelos decided to hire more mercenaries the only way he could afford to do this was by plundering the dedications in the treasury of Apollo. That the treasury contained much wealth, from years of accumulated donations, is well-established it is estimated that the Phocians spent some 10,000 talents of Apollo's treasure during the war. In order to overcome the reluctance of mercenaries to fight for a sacrilegious cause, Philomelos increased the rate of pay by half, which allowed him to recruit a force of 10,000 troops over the winter, for the forthcoming war.

Conflict in Epicnemidian Locris and Phocis (c. 355 :
The following spring, possibly upon hearing news that the Boeotians were ready to march against Phocis, Philomelos took the initiative and marched into Epicnemidian Locris. Since the Phocian army would be outnumbered by the whole Amphictyonic levy, it is probable that he sought to defeat his enemies one by one, starting with the Locrians. If he could defeat the Locrians, then he was in a position to occupy the narrow pass of Thermopylae and block the union of the Thessalian and Boeotian armies, the main Amphictyonic contingents. Philomelos's army thus crossed into Locris, probably using the Fontana pass from Triteis to Naryx, or possibly the Kleisoura pass from Tithronion to the same general area of Locris. The Locrians sent a force of cavalry to oppose him, which the Phocians easily defeated. However, this battle gave the Thessalians time to pass through Thermopylae and arrive in Locris. Philomelos immediately attacked the Thessalians, and defeated them near the town of Argolas, whose location is not definitively known. Philomelos then laid siege to Argolas, but failed to capture it, and instead pillaged as much Locrian territory as possible. The Boeotian army, under the command of Pammenes, then arrived on the scene, and rather than oppose them, Philomelos backed off, allowing the Boeotians to link up with the Locrians and Thessalians. Philomelos had thus failed in his strategy of dealing with the Amphictyons separately, and he now faced an army at least equal in size to his own. He therefore decided to retreat before the Amphictyons could bring him to battle, and probably using the Kleisoura pass, he returned with his army to Phocis.

Battle of Neon:
In response to Philomelos's retreat, Pammenes ordered the Amphictyonic force to cross into Phocis as well, probably by the Fontana pass, in order to prevent Philomelos marching on Boeotia. The two armies converged on Tithorea (whose acropolis, Neon, gives the battle its name), where the Amphictyons brought the Phocians to battle. Details of the battle are scant, but the Amphictyons defeated the Phocians, and then pursued the survivors up the slopes of Mount Parnassos, slaying many. Philomelos was injured, and rather than risk capture, threw himself off the mountain, falling to his death. Onomarchos, who was second in command, managed to salvage the remainder of the army, and retreated to Delphi, and Pammenes retired to Thebes with the Boeotian army.

Second phase (c. 354𤭑):
The Amphictyons seem to have concluded that their victory at Neon had effectively ended the war, and the Phocians would sue for peace. Otherwise, it is difficult to understand why Pammenes did not march on Delphi, or even sack the undefended Phocian cities in the Kephisos valley. In failing to follow up their victory, the Amphictyons wasted the best opportunity they had during the course of the war to end it. The Thebans seem to have been so sure that the war was ended that they agreed to send 5,000 hoplites under Pammenes to help the rebellion of the Persian satrap Artabazus, shortly after the Battle of Neon. The Thebans needed the money Artabazos offered them, and although they had generally been on good terms with the Persian king, they obviously felt the offer was too good to refuse. It is likely the troops were dispatched before the Phocian decision to fight on became clear, unless the Thebans thought that their remaining troops were a match for any army the Phocians could field. This was to prove a serious mistake for the Thebans, and the Amphictyonic cause in general. Rather than contemplate surrender after the retreat from Neon, Onomarchos had rallied the Phocians, and insisted that they should continue the war. A meeting of the Phocian Confederation was held to discuss the future course of action, to which their Athenian and Spartan allies were invited. If they surrendered, the Phocians would face additional fines for their sacrilege, and for plundering the treasury however, to fight on meant perpetrating still further sacrilege, and effectively committed the Phocians to winning a total victory against the Amphictyons. Although some were inclined towards peace, the majority were swayed by Onomarchos's orations and policies, quite possibly backed up by the threat of force from the mercenary army, and voted to continue the war. The Phocian mercenary force had significant influence on the decisions made by (or for) the Phocian Confederation during the course of the war, and also the peculiar consequences it had for the Phocians: "The primary loyalty of that army would go to its commander and paymaster, not to the Phocian Confederacy. In effect, continued war forced the Phocians to put their faith in the hands of a man who could act regardless of their wishes but the responsibility for whose acts would be theirs." His position now secure, Onomarchos had his chief opponents arrested and executed, and confiscated their property to add to his war-chest. He then set about raising a new army, doubling the size of Philomelos's force, until he had 20,000 men and 500 cavalry at his disposal. Raising such a large force required extensive depredations of Apollo's wealth bronze and iron dedications were melted down and recast as weapons, whilst gold and silver offerings were melted down and used to make coinage. Although raising such a large army would have taken a considerable time, Onomarchos had the whole winter after Neon in which to do so.

The first Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris and Doris, 354:

Phocian campaign in Doris (c. 354 :)
First Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 354 )
First and second Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 354𤭑

First conflict in Thessaly (c. 354):
The Sacred War appears to have laid way for renewed conflict within Thessaly. The Thessalian Confederation were in general staunch supporters of the Amphictyonic League, and had an ancient hatred of the Phocians. Conversely, the city-state of Pherae had allied itself with the Phocians. In either 354 or 353 the ruling clan of the city of Larissa appealed to Philip II of Macedon to help them defeat Pherae. Thus, Philip brought an army into Thessaly, probably with the intention of attacking Pherae. Under the terms of their alliance, Lycophron of Pherae requested aid from the Phocians, and Onormarchos dispatched his brother, Phayllos with 7,000 men however, Philip repulsed this force before it could join up with the Pheraeans. Onomarchos then abandoned the siege he was currently prosecuting, and brought his whole force into Thessaly to attack Philip. It is possible that Onomarchos hoped to conquer Thessaly in the process, which would both leave the Thebans isolated (Locris and Doris having already fallen to the Phocians), and give the Phocians a majority in the Amphictyonic council, thus enabling them to have the war declared over. Onomarchos probably brought with him 20 000 infantry, 500 cavalry and a large number of catapults, and outnumbered Philip's army. The exact details of the campaign that followed are unclear, but Onomarchos seems to have inflicted two defeats on Philip, with many Macedonians killed in the process. Polyaenus suggests that the first of Onomarchos's victories was aided by the use of the catapults to throw stones into the Macedonian phalanx, as it climbed a slope to attack the Phocians. After these defeats, Philip retreated to Macedon for the winter.[44] He is said to have commented that he “did not run away but, like a ram, I pulled back to butt again harder”.
(Polyaenus -in Book 2 Chapter XXXVIII "suggests' but not specificaly mention catapults, rather that they threw massive stones. His 'strategem' is ambush. The quote from Philip is in that section.)

Second Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 353):
In 353 , Onomarchos took advantage of the fact that Thebes, financially exhausted, sent out a troop of 5,000 Theban soldiers as mercenaries to support the revolt of Artabazus, satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia, against the Persian king. He led an attack against Locris and captured Thronion, which constituted a key strategic point on the route network of central mainland Greece. He turned south and invaded Doris and eventually Boeotia, where he was finally controlled by the allied Boeotians close to Chaeronea.

Second conflict in Thessaly (c. 353):
Philip returned to Thessaly the next summer (either 353 or 352 , depending on the chronology followed), having gathered a new army in Macedon. Philip formally requested that the Thessalians join him in the war against the Phocians the Thessalians, even if underwhelmed by Philip's performance the previous year, realistically had little choice if they wanted to avoid being conquered by Onomarchos's army. Philip now mustered all the Thessalian opponents of Pherae that he could, and according to Diodorus, his final army numbered 20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry.

At some point during his campaigns in Thessaly, Philip captured the strategic port of Pagasae, which was in effect the port of Pherae. It is unclear whether this was during the first or second campaign both Buckler and Cawkwell suggest that it took place in the second campaign, before the Battle of Crocus Field. By taking Pagasae, it is possible that Philip prevented Pherae from being reinforced by sea during his second campaign. Buckler suggests that Philip had learnt his lesson from the previous campaign, and intended to cut Pherae off from outside help before attacking it.

Battle of Crocus:
Field Main article: Battle of Crocus Field:
Meanwhile, Onomarchos returned to Thessaly to try to preserve the Phocian ascendancy there, with approximately the same force as during the previous year. Furthermore, the Athenians dispatched Chares to help their Phocian allies, seeing the opportunity to strike a decisive blow against Philip. Subsequent events are unclear, but a battle was fought between the Macedonians and the Phocians, probably as Philip tried to prevent the Phocians uniting forces with the Pheraeans, and crucially, before the Athenians had arrived. According to Diodorus, the two armies met on a large plain near the sea, probably in the vicinity of Pagasae. Philip sent his men into battle wearing crown of laurel, the symbol of the Apollo "as if he was the avenger. of sacrilege, and he proceeded to battle under the leadership, as it were, of the god". In the ensuing battle, the bloodiest recorded in ancient Greek history, Philip won a decisive victory against the Phocians. In total, 6,000 Phocian troops were killed including Onomarchos, and another 3,000 taken prisoner Onomarchos was either hanged or crucified and the other prisoners drowned, as ritual demanded for temple-robbers. These punishments were designed to deny the defeated an honourable burial Philip thus continued to present himself as the pious avenger of the sacrilege committed by the Phocians.

Re-organisation of Thessaly:
It was probably in the aftermath of his victory (if not before) that the Thessalians appointed Philip archon of Thessaly. This was an appointment for life, and gave Philip control over all the revenues of the Thessalian Confederation, and furthermore made Philip leader of the united Thesslian army. Philip was now able to settle Thessaly at his leisure. He first probably finished the siege of Pagasae, to deny the Athenians a landing place in Thessaly. Pagasae was not part of the Thessalian Confederation, and Philip therefore took it as his own, and garrisoned it. The fall of Pagasae now left Pherae totally isolated. Lycophron, rather than suffer the fate of Onomarchos, struck a bargain with Philip, and in return for handing Pherae over to Philip, he was allowed, along with 2000 of his mercenaries, to go to Phocis. Philip now worked to unite the traditionally fractious cities of Thessaly under his rule. He took direct control of several cities in western Thessaly, exiling the dissidents, and in one case refounding the city with a Macedonian population he tightened his control of Perrhaebia, and invaded Magnesia, also taking it as his own and garrisoning it "when finished, he was lord of Thessaly."

Once satisfied with his reorganisation of Thessaly, Philip marched south to the pass of Thermopylae, the gateway to central Greece. He probably intended to follow up his victory over the Phocians by invading Phocis itself, a prospect which greatly alarmed the Athenians, since once he was past Thermopylae, he could also march on Athens. The Athenians therefore dispatched a force to Thermopylae and occupied the pass there is some debate as to whether other contingents may have joined the Athenians at Thermopylae. The Athenians were certainly there, since the Athenian orator Demosthenes celebrated the defense of the pass in one of his speeches. Cawkwell suggests that the Athenian force was the one that Diodorus says was dispatched under Nausicles consisting of 5,000 infantry and 400 cavalry, and that they were joined by the remnants of the Phocians and the Pheraean mercenaries. However, Buckler argues that Diodorus never mentions Thermopylae, and the force under Nausicles was sent to help the Phocians the following year instead, he believes that another Athenian force held the pass unassisted. Although it might have proved possible to force the pass, Philip did not attempt to do so, preferring not to risk a defeat after his great successes in Thessaly.

Third phase (c. 352𤭊 ):
Meanwhile, the Phocians regrouped under Onomarchos's brother, Phayllos. After the huge Phocian defeats at Neon and Crocus Field, Phayllos had to resort to doubling the pay for mercenaries, in order to attract enough to replenish his army. Despite their defeats however, the majority of the Phocians were still in favour of continuing the war. Over the winter of that year, Phayllos engaged in diplomatic efforts to gather more support from Phocis's allies, and succeeding in widening the theatre of conflict in the next campaigning season. Uniquely in Greek history, the Phocians were able to absorb huge losses in manpower, thanks to their pillaging of Temple of Apollo, a factor which was to contribute to the war dragging on indecisively until 346.

Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia (352 ):
Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia, 352 :
First conflict in the Peloponnese (352):

Second Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris (351):

Second conflict in the Peloponnese (351):

Phocian campaign in Boeotia (351 ):
Fourth Phocian campaign in Boeotia, and second, third and fourth Boeotian campaigns in Phocis, 351𤭋 :
Second Boeotian campaign in Phocis (349 ):
Fifth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (349 ):
Fifth and sixth Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 349𤭋 :
Euboea (349𤭌 ):
Third Boeotian campaign in Phocis (348 ):
Sixth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (347 ):

Fourth Boeotian campaign in Phocis (347 ):
Philip had not involved himself in the Sacred War since his victory at the Crocus Field in 352 . In the meantime, it had become clear that the Sacred War could only be ended by outside intervention. The Phocians had occupied several Boeotian cities, but were running out of treasure to pay their mercenaries conversely, the Thebans were unable to act effectively against the Phocians. The Phocian general Phalaikos was removed from his command in 347 , and three new generals appointed, who successfully attacked Boeotia again. The Thebans appealed to Philip for aid, and he sent a small force to their assistance. Philip sent force enough to honour his alliance with Thebes, but not enough to end the war—he desired the glory of ending the war personally, in the manner of his choosing, and on his terms.

Settlement of the Sacred War:
Athens and Macedon had been at war since 356 , after Philip's capture of the Athenian colonies of Pydna and Potidea. Philip had then been drawn into the Sacred War, on behalf of the Thessalians, as described above. Since Athens was also a combatant in the Sacred War, the war between Athens and Macedon was inextricably linked with the progress of the Sacred War. In 352 , Philip's erstwhile ally, the Chalkidian League (led by Olynthos), alarmed by Philip's growing power, sought to ally themselves with Athens, in clear breach of their alliance with Philip. In response, Philip attacked Chalkidiki in 349 , and by 348 , had completely destroyed the Chalkidian League, razing Olynthos in the process. The prominent Athenian politician Philocrates had suggested offering Philip peace in 348 , during the Olynthian war. The war between Athens and Philip thus continued through 347 , as did the Sacred War.
In early 346 , Philip let it be known that he intended to march south with the Thessalians, though not where or why. The Phocians thus made plans to defend Thermopylae, and requested assistance from the Spartans and the Athenians, probably around 14 February. The Spartans dispatched Archidamus III with 1,000 hoplites, and the Athenians ordered everyone eligible for military service under the age of 40 to be sent to the Phocians' aid. However, between the Phocians' appeal and the end of the month, all plans were upset by the return of Phalaikos to power in Phocis the Athenians and the Spartans were subsequently told that they would not be permitted to defend Thermopylae. It is not clear from the ancient sources why Phalaikos was returned to power, nor why he adopted this dramatic change of policy. Cawkwell suggests, based on remarks of Aeschines, that the Phocian army restored Phalaikos because they had not been properly paid, and further that Phalaikos, realizing that the army could not be paid and that the Phocians could no longer hope to win the war, decided to try to negotiate a peace settlement with Philip.

Peace between Macedon and Athens:
Main article: Peace of Philocrates:
When the Athenians received this news, they rapidly changed policy. If Thermopylae could no longer be defended, then Athenian security could no longer be guaranteed. By the end of February, the Athenians had dispatched an embassy, including Philocrates, Demosthenes and Aeschines, to Philip to discuss peace between Athens and Macedon. The embassy had two audiences with Philip, in which each side presented their proposals for the terms of the peace settlement. The embassy then returned to Athens to present the proposed terms to the Athenian Assembly, along with a Macedonian embassy to Athens, empowered by Philip to finalize an agreement. On 23 April, the Athenians swore to the terms of the treaty in the presence of the Macedonian ambassadors.

Embassies to Philip:
After agreeing to the peace terms with Macedonian ambassadors in April, the Athenians dispatched a second embassy to Macedon, to extract the peace oaths from Philip this embassy travelled to Pella at a relaxed pace, knowing that Philip was away on campaign against the Thracian king Kersebleptes (Cersobleptes). When they arrived, the Athenians (again including Demosthenes and Aeschines) were rather surprised to find embassies from all the principle combatants in the Sacred War were also present, in order to discuss a settlement to the war. When Philip returned from Thrace he received both the Athenian and other embassies. The Thebans and Thessalians requested that he take the leadership of Greece, and punish Phocis conversely, the Phocians, supported by the Spartans and the Athenian delegations, pleaded with Philip not to attack Phocis. Philip, however, delayed making any decisions "[he] sought by every means not to reveal how he intended to settle things both sides were privately encouraged to hope that he would do as they wanted, but both were bidden not to prepare for war a peacefully arranged concordat was at hand" he also delayed taking the oaths to the Peace of Philocrates. Military preparations were ongoing in Pella during this period, but Philip told the ambassadors that they were for a campaign against Halus, a small Thessalian city which held out against him. He departed for Halus before making any pronouncements, compelling the Athenian embassy to travel with him only when they reached Pherae did Philip finally take the oaths, enabling the Athenian ambassadors to return home.

Occupation of Thermopylae:
It was in the aftermath of finally ratifying the Peace that Philip applied the coup de grace. He had persuaded the Athenians and other Greeks that he and his army was heading for Halus, but it seems certain that he also sent other units straight to Thermopylae. Thus, when he swore oaths to the Athenian assembly in Pherae, his troops were already very close to Thermopylae by the time the Athenian ambassadors arrived home (9 July), Philip was already in possession of the pass. By delaying the oaths, and making what was effectively a feint against Halus, he prevented the Athenians from seeing their imminent danger, and from having time to garrison the Thermopylae.

Peace settlement:
All of central and southern Greece was now at Philip's mercy, and the Athenians could not now save Phocis even if they abandoned the peace. However, the Athenians were still ignorant of this turn of events when Phocian ambassadors came to Athens to plead for military aid around 9 July. The Athenian council recommended that the peace be rejected, and Thermopylae be occupied in order to help save Phocis since, as far at the Athenian embassy knew, Philip's troops were still in Pherae, there seemed to be ample time to occupy the pass. By 12 July the news that Philip was "in the gates" arrived in Athens the Athenians then knew that the situation was hopeless, and instead of acting on the previous recommendation of the council, the Assembly instead passed a motion re-affirming the Peace of Philocrates. Now that he was in control of Thermopylae, Philip could be certain of dictating the terms of the end of the Sacred War, since he could now use force against any state that did not accept his arbitration. He began by making a truce with Phalaikos on 19 July Phalaikos surrendered Phocis to him, in return for being allowed to leave with his mercenaries and go wherever he wished. Cawkwell suggests that Phalaikos probably collaborated with Philip in 346 , allowing Philip to take Thermopylae in return for lenience for him and his men. Otherwise, it is difficult to see how Philip could have advertised his campaign so far in advance (and been so confident of success), and yet not been stopped at Thermopylae. Philip restored to Boeotia the cities that Phocis had captured during the war (Orchomenos, Coroneia and Corsiae), and then declared that the fate of Phocis would not be decided by him, but by the Amphictyonic Council. This caused great panic in Athens, since the Phocians could never hope for mercy from the Amphictyons, and since Athens had also (having allied with Phocis) shared in the same sacrilege. However, it is clear that Philip was dictating the terms behind the scenes allowing the Amphictyons the formal responsibility allowed him to dissociate himself from the terms in the future. In return for ending the war, Macedon was made a member of the Amphictyonic council, and given the two votes which had been stripped from Phocis. This was an important moment for Philip, since membership of the Ampictyony meant that Macedon was now no longer a 'barbarian' state in Greek eyes. The terms imposed on Phocis were harsh, but realistically Philip had no choice but to impose such sanctions he needed the support of the Thessalians (sworn enemies of Phocis), and could not risk losing the prestige that he had won for his pious conduct during the war. However, they were not as harsh as some of the Amphictyonic members had suggested the Oeteans had demanded that the traditional punishment for temple robbers of being pushed over a cliff be carried out. Aside from being expelled from the Amphictyonic council, all the Phocian cities were to be destroyed, and the Phocians settled in 'villages' of no more than fifty houses the money stolen from the temple was to be paid back at a rate of 60 talents per year He did not, however, destroy the Phocians, and they retained their land. The Athenians, having made peace with Philip, were not penalised by the Amphictyonic council, and the Spartans also seem to have escaped lightly. Philip presided over the Amphictyonic festival in the autumn, and then much to the surprise of the Greeks, he went back to Macedon and did not return to Greece for seven years. He did however retain his access, by garrisoning Nicaea, the closest town to Thermopylae, with Thessalian troops.

The destruction of the Phocian cities and the heavy fine imposed on the Phocian confederation certainly caused the Phocians to bear a grudge against Philip II. Seven years later the Locrians brought charges against the Athenians in the amphictyonic council and a special session of the council was set in order to deal with that matter. The Athenians, however, did not send envoys and neither did the Thebans. This was a clear insult to the council and Philip II intervened once more as a regulator. The Fourth Sacred War broke out, ending in the total subjugation of Greece to the kingdom of Macedonia. The Phocians recovered gradually from the repercussions of the Third Sacred War and managed to be reinstated in the Amphictyony in 279 , when they joined forces with the Aetolian League fighting against the Gauls. However, a serious side-loss of the Third Sacred War remained the destruction of a large number of ex votos and other precious offerings to the sanctuary of Apollo, which deprived not only the sanctuary itself but also the later generations of some magnificent pieces of art.

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  1. ↑ Aeschylus (1986) Choephori introduction by A. F. Garvie, Oxford U. P., p. x
  2. ↑ Steiner, Gerd. The Case of Wiluša and Ahhiyawa. Bibliotheca Orientalis LXIV No. 5-6, September–December 2007
  3. ↑ Ebeling, Erich; Meissner, Bruno; Edzard, Dietz Otto (1993). Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie: A - Bepaste. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. p.㺹. ISBNك-11-004451-X .,M1 .  
  4. ↑Hyginus, "Fabulae" 114.
  5. ↑ Aeschylus, Aga., ln. 1602
  6. ↑ Lewis, Charlton T.; Short, Charles. "Argynnus". A Latin Dictionary. Perseus Project . . Retrieved 16 September 2011 .  
  7. ↑ The Deipnosophists of Athenaeus of Naucratis, Book XIII Concerning Women, 80D (p. 603)
  8. ↑ Protrepticus II.38.2
  9. ↑ Butler, Harold Edgeworth & Barber, Eric Arthur, eds. (1933) The Elegies of Propertius. Oxford: Clarendon Press p. 277
  10. ↑ Pausanias. Description of Greece 5.8.3
  11. ↑ Plutarch. Amores, 21

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:  Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911) Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.) Cambridge University Press  

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